Equitable Urban Greening

In the late 1980s, Anne Whiston Spirn launched an “action research project” to explore how small landscape interventions could help restore nature and rebuild community in low-income neighborhoods in West Philadelphia. The project was meant to last four years. Nearly four decades later, the West Philadelphia Landscape Project (WPLP) is still going strong—and it has yielded a harvest of both hope and hindsight.

In Mill Creek and other Philadelphia neighborhoods, local students, residents, landscape architects, and others worked together to create strategic pockets of ecological design—converting abandoned lots into community gardens and flood-absorbing green spaces, for example—and then tied those projects into the curriculum in local schools. This community-led approach earned national attention. Closer to home, it helped inspire Philadelphia’s Green City, Clean Waters plan, through which the city has installed green infrastructure like tree trenches, rain gardens, and stormwater bumpouts on over 3,000 acres of publicly and privately owned land citywide, reducing annual stormwater runoff into local waterways by three billion gallons.

In historically underserved communities, where residents shoulder a disproportionate burden of climate risks and pollution, adding green space would seem a natural step toward addressing long-standing inequities. But something else happened as the West Philadelphia Landscape Project gained momentum. In the mid-2010s, housing prices in neighborhoods like Mill Creek began to rise—and so did interest from institutional investors, who tend to raise rents more aggressively than noninvestor landlords, according to research by the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia. All that greening, it seemed, was making the area more desirable to investors—and more expensive to live in.

Green space doesn’t just filter and cool the surrounding air, absorb stormwater, and improve physical and mental health. It’s also proven to increase nearby property values.

That can be good for homeowners whose neighborhoods have been denied investment over the years, which has systematically happened to communities of color. But while rising home values benefit property owners, they can put displacement pressure on renters. About half of the households in cities like Atlanta, Baltimore, Charlotte, Philadelphia, and Seattle rent their homes, while nearly two-thirds rent in cities like Boston, Chicago, Los Angeles, and New York.

“It was shocking to me … how quickly the disinvestment, vacancies, and abandoned buildings were replaced by speculation and development,” says Spirn, who was a professor at the University of Pennsylvania when she started the project in West Philadelphia and now teaches at MIT. “Right now, the communities that I’ve worked in, like Mill Creek, are under siege by speculators and developers.”

Greening Without Displacement

In a study of 28 North American and European cities that made major investments in green spaces or climate adaptation between 1990 and 2016, urban greening was either a leading or contributing factor in citywide gentrification in 17 places. In Boston, Denver, Philadelphia, and other cities, greening was just one factor contributing to gentrification. In places like Atlanta, Copenhagen, and Montreal, urban greening was seen as the primary driver of gentrification.

Home values within a half-mile of Atlanta’s Beltline greenway, for example—a 22-mile loop of trails and parks connecting 45 Atlanta neighborhoods—increased 18 to 27 percent more than those of properties elsewhere in the city between 2011 and 2015.

“Until urban greening is so pervasive that there’s no price differential for its presence, we’re going to have to confront the fact that it’s an amenity that people respond to by bidding up prices,” says Amy Cotter, director of urban sustainability at the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy.

Large-scale parks and greenways are most associated with gentrification, says James Connolly, associate professor of planning at the University of British Columbia and coauthor of the green gentrification study and a working paper commissioned by the Lincoln Institute. “That is a highly visible amenity, and like any other highly visible amenity—like a new transit station, or a new high-profile development,” he says, “any of those things would change real estate markets around the area, and greening is no different.”

New construction along the popular Atlanta BeltLine in 2015. Between 2011 and 2015, home values within half a mile of the 22-mile greenway increased 18 to 27 percent more than homes elsewhere in the city. Credit: Daniel Lobo via Flickr.

Large projects like parks and greenways aren’t the only urban greening efforts that can drive gentrification. Investors and developers pay attention to municipal investment. And even smaller interventions like rain gardens and street trees can be interpreted as signs of a cultural or economic shift.

“These smaller green infrastructure interventions, some of them are just tiny rain gardens or curbside greening types of things,” Connolly says—so it’s not that real estate markets are reacting to a major new amenity that’s changing the community dynamic. But taken collectively, “these many different interventions can start to produce a kind of a shift in perception,” Connolly adds. “In Philadelphia, for example, we can see evidence of this, where those really small-scale interventions, when you aggregate them, are highly correlated with shifts in racial dynamics and shifts in gentrification in the city.”

All of this means that residents of historically marginalized communities may develop a justified skepticism toward new green projects, even when the interventions are intended to improve a neighborhood or better protect it from climate risks such as flooding or extreme heat.

In the decade and a half after Schuylkill River Park opened in South Philadelphia, median home prices rose 1,120 percent, neighborhood residency shifted from majority Black to majority white, and local cultural institutions such as the New Light Beulah Baptist Church found it necessary to shutter or relocate, writes Sterling Johnson, a PhD candidate at Temple University, and Kimberley Thomas, associate professor of geography at Temple. “The language may have changed since the early 20th century, but environmental stewardship still looks like colonization to many low-income Black people.”

Philadelphia’s Schuykill River Park in 2011. Between 2000 and 2014, home values in the area increased 1,120 percent as development and investor ownership increased. Credit: aimintang/iStock Unreleased via Getty Images.

And in Detroit, roughly a quarter of residents refused to accept free street trees in front of their homes—not because they didn’t understand the benefits of tree canopy, but due to lingering distrust of the city, according to a study by Christine Carmichael, then at the University of Vermont.

If cities don’t acknowledge and seriously address the potential for displacement caused by green interventions, Connolly says, “then what we end up with is a really diminished political support for urban greening, because we end up with a lot of people that just sort of see it as, ‘That’s not for me, so why would I support it?’”

‘Yes, and’ Policymaking

The tension between urban greening intended to improve quality of life and the economic displacement that often follows is an issue that demands “Yes, and” planning and policymaking. “You can’t have residential security at the expense of environmental security, and you can’t have environmental security at the expense of residential security,” Connolly says. “These two things cannot be traded off against one another—we need both.” He also notes that urban greening doesn’t always lead to displacement; in almost half of the cities studied, greening had little to no gentrification impact.

A city can use any number of specific policy tools to help mitigate displacement when greening a neighborhood; indeed, the remedies are similar regardless of what’s causing the displacement pressure, but they must be applied in tandem with (or even before) green interventions.

Community land trusts, for example, can help residents take an ownership stake in their neighborhood and ensure permanent housing affordability. Rent stabilization measures can keep rent hikes in check, so tenants aren’t priced out of their community. “Opportunity to purchase” laws, such as those in Washington, DC, allow tenants or cities first dibs on purchasing a home if a landlord decides to sell. Inclusionary zoning, affordable housing requirements, developer fees, and other tools can all help ease displacement pressure, too.

“It’s not one thing, it’s a package of tools,” says Isabelle Anguelovski, research professor at the Autonomous University of Barcelona and head of the Barcelona Lab for Urban Environmental Justice and Sustainability (BCNUEJ), who coauthored the gentrification study and working paper with Connolly and BCNUEJ researcher Emilia Oscilowicz.

“It’s something that is both tax-driven and incentives-driven,” she continues. “Vancouver has a tax on empty housing. Some states, like Washington, have rent control at the broader state level. Portland, Oregon, has something called a ‘Right to Return’ policy, which is for residents who were gentrified out in past decades or displaced by urban renewal in the 1960s.”

Other taxes and developer fees can be used for public housing construction, rental subsidies, or supporting small local retailers who might otherwise be priced out of their longtime community. “At the local level, if taxes are earmarked very clearly the right way, cities can use those funds to buy vacant lots or derelict buildings and transform them into social and public housing.”

Incentives, meanwhile, can take the form of density bonuses, which permit developers to build taller structures than would otherwise be allowed in exchange for setting aside more units for income-restricted housing—say, 30 percent of the building. “Oftentimes, municipalities don’t manage to get more than 10 or 15 percent,” Anguelovski says. “But growing cities that are attractive to developers have the ball in their court. So they should not be afraid of pushing developers, because those are cities that have an array of assets that people want.”

Community-Led Greening, with Collaborative Intention

None of these displacement interventions are particularly mysterious or difficult to implement, Cotter says. But doing it well requires collaboration among agencies that might not normally work together: “It’s not the urban forester’s job to think about rent stabilization.”

That’s why Connolly and Anguelovski, who presented research for a forthcoming Policy Focus Report at a Lincoln Institute workshop in June, say it’s essential for cities to take a coordinated, cross-sectoral approach to greening. Even if the parks department or water commission is taking the lead on a particular green intervention, Connolly explains, the effort should involve other key city departments as well, so that “green infrastructure is going in with a plan for housing and transportation infrastructure integrated into the plan.”

Barcelona showed this approach is possible, if not perfect, under the mayorship of Ada Colau, Connolly says. “From the mayor’s office down, they mandated that a lot of their agencies start to have more of this transversal conversation about how the existing resource planning gets integrated with other dimensions of the government and other city operations,” Connolly says.

Residents celebrate the opening of a superblock in Barcelona in 2023. The city coordinated this ambitious urban sustainability effort across multiple agencies, ensuring the integration of planning and resources. Credit: Ajuntament Barcelona via Flickr.

“Try, to the extent possible, to avoid putting these two things in conflict, to avoid having your greening agency create things that make the housing affordability measures more difficult to achieve,” he says. “Just have those conversations together—which doesn’t mean don’t do housing affordably, and doesn’t mean don’t do greening—it means do them in close conversation with one another, as well as bringing in things like social supports and transit infrastructure and things like that … I’m not saying that’s a simple thing. But Barcelona did make some nice movements in this direction.”

Another bigger, almost philosophical shift that Connolly thinks cities should make is moving away from an “opportunistic” approach to greening, in which cities with specific climate or environmental targets jump at any chance they get to add green interventions to advance those goals. If there’s an opportunity to plant some trees or put in a park somewhere, they reflexively do it, Connolly explains. “But those opportunities are created for certain reasons, usually associated with development. So if you have a solely opportunistic approach to greening, then you’re always going to be linking greening to these development cycles and therein lies a challenge.” Instead, he recommends taking a more intentional, big-picture approach. “Even if there’s not an opportunity for greening, how can we ourselves create one?”

Spirn, of the West Philadelphia Landscape Project, who has spent much of the past five years working with her students on strategies to prevent displacement related to urban greening, agrees: “It’s really important to start thinking about how you help people stay in their homes before you start building new green infrastructure projects,” she concludes. And whatever strategy a city employs to do that needs to be resident-focused, she adds. “Green infrastructure needs to be about more than just greening. It needs to be about people.”

Some worry that this approach—greening with more intention, and with more input and agency from empowered community residents—can’t keep pace with the urgency of the climate crisis. “There’s a concern that being equitable, respecting self-determination, will slow us down in a dangerous way—and I get that, but I also reject that assumption,” Cotter says. “It’s an equity imperative for us to tackle climate change as quickly as possible, because the people who are going to suffer most are the populations that always get marginalized, the same people whose self-determination and agency has been undermined by systems of structural racism.”

If communities can lead decision-making in the face of climate change, Cotter continues, “I don’t think they’d be slower. I think they’d be clear-eyed about what needs to happen, do it faster, and come up with solutions that actually reflect local conditions and local needs.”

Jon Gorey is a staff writer at the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy.

Lead image: A residential street in West Philadelphia. Credit: City of Philadelphia.

Why Arid Cities Should Stick Together

This article is reprinted with permission from Bloomberg CityLab, where it originally appeared. It was first published on May 29, 2025.

Last month, a sandstorm in Iraq turned day into night, blinded drivers in a thick orange haze, grounded flights, and left thousands with respiratory illness. The gusty waves of dust, swept around more intensely than many could remember, penetrated every possible crack in the physical realm, clogging up everything from kitchen vents to car engines to computer processors.

The nightmarish phenomenon, known as the haboob in Arabic, joins the growing roster of violent weather patterns exacerbated by climate change, from wildfires and mudslides to hurricanes and flooding. Though sandstorms have been around for millennia, scientists believe they are intensified by warming temperatures and drought, which creates more dry particulates that the wind can pick up and hurl around the landscape—much the way warmer ocean temperatures provide greater fuel for tropical storms. Observers note both an increase in ferocity and frequency.

Sandstorms are also showing up in some uncharacteristic places: Haboobs aren’t uncommon in the southwestern US, but on May 16 a wall of airborne dirt swept up from bone-dry Midwest farmland struck downtown Chicago—the first significant dust storm to hit the city since 1934, deep in the days of the Dust Bowl.

Still, most of these calamities are specific to geographic regions. Boston need not worry about a haboob, just as Riyadh will not have to prepare for a hurricane. Earth science has shown that climate impacts are highly customized in terms of how they hit on the ground. That heterogeneity—the notion that discrete categories of places are dealing with specific challenges on a warming planet—has led some cities to band together to confront what they have in common.

I was inspired to think about this concept of municipal knowledge-sharing networks—the global collaboration of mayors known as C40 has been a model for many years—after being asked to moderate a recent conversation in Doha, Qatar. The topic: an Arid Cities Network proposed by the Earthna Center for a Sustainable Future, a nonprofit policy research and advocacy center established by the Qatar Foundation. The city-level partnership aims to “accelerate the delivery of sustainable and resilient solutions for cities in arid, semi-arid, and desert regions that are uniquely on the front lines of the climate crisis, confronting water scarcity, extreme temperatures and ecosystem fragility.” (Disclosure: The Qatar Foundation supported my travel to and accommodation at the second annual Earthna summit.)

The need for such an effort became obvious when “we looked at the map and saw this is the driest country in the world,” said Gonzalo Castro de la Mata, executive director of the Doha-based Earthna Center. “There is no water. There is no agriculture. There is no forest. How can people survive here? What does sustainability mean? We started thinking about it and developed a work program around hot and arid countries.”

In addition to Doha, the initial grouping for this fledgling community of practice includes Muscat, Oman; Marrakesh, Morocco; Jaipur, India; Seville, Spain; and Lima, Peru. Each of those places is dealing with extreme heat and water scarcity, as well as challenges in air quality, waste management, food security, and energy use, according to David Simon, professor of development geography at the Royal Holloway, University of London, who was commissioned to study the needs of the six pilot cities.

There is no shortage of potential future member cities. An additional candidate is surely Phoenix, where the parched Colorado River basin is demanding better integration of land use planning and water resource management. Extreme temperatures in places like the Indian city of Ahmedabad and Amman, Jordan, are increasingly straining grids and imperiling residents. According to the European Commission’s World Atlas of Desertification, nearly 600 cities are located in arid regions—about 35 percent of the world’s big cities—and UN-Habitat projects there may be 600 more in this century.

Identifying the threats these cities have in common is in some ways the easy part. The value of a subnational platform is to promote an exchange of ideas about interventions, successful or not, Castro de la Mata said. “We believe that the tendency will be to reinvent solutions,” he said.

The setting for the Earthna summit, Doha’s brand new Msheireb downtown district, is a model for how to manage life in environments where it easily surpasses 100 degrees Fahrenheit day after day. Built on underutilized land previously hosting ramshackle shops for electrical supplies, the 77-acre redevelopment showcases strategies like shading and natural ventilation to adapt to the heat. Compact development and placemaking under the framework of the “15-minute city”—which calls for siting basic needs within a walkable radius—needed to be adjusted for local conditions: The reality of moving around in the heat means this is more like a six-minute city, planners say.

In Doha, giant shade structures provide relief from the desert sun. Credit: Anthony Flint.

Under the claim that the entire neighborhood is LEED certified, Msheireb boasts thousands of solar panels, a distributed energy system for air conditioning, recycled greywater for irrigation and cooling, and locally sourced and recycled building materials. Buildings and streets are positioned to optimize shade and airflow; the city’s planning was informed by traditional knowledge in architecture and passive cooling techniques.

Much of Msheireb’s infrastructure—pipes carrying chilled water, loading docks, waste management—is underground, giving the surface a pristine appearance. One never sees a garbage truck.

Not many cities—not by a long shot—have the vast resources of Qatar to do this kind of five-star citybuilding. But there are takeaways, especially as the lower-cost strategies, like shading and natural ventilation, are measured and fine-tuned.

There is also much knowledge to share on the topic of desalination, another conversation that is uniquely situated among arid cities. In Qatar, like other nations in the desert environment, virtually all the potable water comes from the sea. The process requires an enormous amount of energy; desalination is the second-largest source of emissions in the country, after power plants. It also produces, by definition, massive piles of salt, intermingled with chemicals, that must be dumped somewhere (most commonly now in the Persian Gulf, filling shallow waters and disrupting that ecosystem).

Engineers are constantly working on making desalination more efficient, improving on the established system of reverse osmosis with new, technologically advanced materials. Ultimately the goal is to run desalination plants on solar power, a renewable source that is obviously very effective in the desert sun. Qatar launched two new solar facilities last month, and has set goals for solar to become a greater portion of domestic energy by 2030.

An accompanying ethos is to regard whatever water is produced by desalination as a precious resource, with few gallons wasted. Treated sewer effluent is used for landscaping, and native plants are being promoted that aren’t as thirsty.

Many of these strategies carry longer timelines, while a growing number of cities are dealing with drought and extreme heat more as a matter of triage.

The scarcity of water resources in a major city can feel very much like an emergency, said summit attendee Rafael López Aliaga, mayor of Lima. He said he feels a kind of anguish that the poor in informal settlements pay 10 to 20 times more for bottled water than in the formal city. The Peruvian capital is in the throes of drought as the flow of the three rivers converging in the city continues to dwindle, due to lack of rainfall and dramatic fluctuations in seasonal snowmelt in the Andes.

But some interventions—particularly shading—can provide more immediate relief. In Freetown, Sierra Leone, the city installed fabric shades throughout open-air marketplaces to spare the sellers of wares, primarily women, of suffering under the blistering sun.

All these innovations and practices should be shared and celebrated, said Ibrahim Thiaw, undersecretary-general and executive secretary of the UN Convention to Combat Desertification, who was also on the panel at the Earthna summit.

Participants in the Earthna Summit explore a model of Doha’s Msheireb downtown district. Credit: Anthony Flint.

The regular summits known in UN parlance as “conference of the parties” or COP are perhaps better known for addressing climate change and biodiversity. But the high-level meetings addressing desertification and drought—sometimes referred to as the “land COP”—concerns a big swath of the planet, he said. COP17 is set for Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia in 2026; the most recent summit was in Riyadh, last December.

It is notable if not ironic that an initiative aimed at mitigating and adapting to climate change is springing from the Middle East, whose massive wealth is so closely connected to the use and export of fossil fuels. Qatar has the highest per capita energy use in the world, and some of the megaprojects proposed by Gulf States appear to be anything but green. But the region also recognizes the reality of global warming impacts that are already underway.

And it might just be part of the genetic makeup of this part of the world to figure out how to survive in an inhospitable climate. Three thousand years ago, before all that oil and gas was discovered, Persian engineers made the best of a bad situation by creating the qanat system—a network of underground tunnels that carried water across miles of desert, using only gravity—to service emerging new urban centers.

It’s hard to say if those innovators knew they were helping build the cradle of civilization. More likely, they were determined to put their heads together and solve a problem—the task before hot and arid cities today.

Anthony Flint is a senior fellow at the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, host of the Land Matters podcast, and a contributing editor to Land Lines magazine.

Lead image: The city of Doha, Qatar, is participating in the pilot of an Arid Cities Network, designed for places facing desertification and drought. Credit: hasan zaidi via iStock Editorial/Getty Images Plus.

Land Matters Podcast / Temporada 6 / Episodio 4

In Denver, Mike Johnston Confronts Success: The City’s Popularity Has Made It Pricey

July 9, 2025

Listen on:

Denver Mayor Mike Johnston speaks with people at a homeless encampment. Johnston has made ending homelessness a goal of his administration. Credit: Denver Mayor's Office.

By Anthony Flint, July 9, 2025

Mike Johnston, a one-time high school English teacher, has been overseeing a significant boom in one of the most prominent cities in the Intermountain West. Denver has been attracting people and businesses with its temperate climate and outdoorsy quality of life, but this popularity has also caused growing pains, starting with increasingly high housing costs, homelessness, and recently some significant municipal budget woes.

Johnston has tackled the challenges one by one, beginning with a permitting process overhaul, steps to reduce costs in building, and tax abatements and other incentives, like a density bonus, to encourage more construction.

“We have a lot of people that want to move to Denver. That’s driving a lot of economic growth. We’re thrilled about it. It also drives lots of housing demand,” Johnston said in an interview for the Mayor’s Desk series, recorded on the Land Matters podcast. “The overarching theme is, we have to add a lot more housing supply.”

In the wide-ranging interview, Johnston also reflected on his aggressive campaign to clear out homeless encampments in the city. As part of this effort, officials have provided customized relocations to private transitional housing units with services and support for the unhoused.

“When you have high cost of housing cities, you get more people who can’t afford to pay that cost. That is just a mathematical fact. And so that means many of the cities that are growing and are in high demand, like the Denvers, or the San Franciscos, or the Austins, or Seattles, are the places where we see this struggle.”

The strategy of individualized housing solutions, while expensive, has been working, he said. “We think it can work for other cities, and we’ll share these lessons with anyone who’s willing to take them on, because we think we should set the expectation in every American city that street homelessness can be a solvable problem.”

He also expressed confidence that the state and the metropolitan region will have continued success fighting climate change, as federal policy backs away from addressing that global crisis. He said incentives for electrification, electric vehicle infrastructure, and energy-efficiency upgrades like heat pumps are contributing to the city’s goal of being carbon neutral by 2040.

“We don’t want to make it too expensive to do business in Denver, and yet we still want to be aggressively committed to hitting climate goals,” he said. “People do care. And there’s a lot we can do,” such as encouraging residents to take more trips by bike or walking, or to consolidate trips made in single occupancy vehicles.

“We want to encourage people to take more local action now, in the face of federal abandonment of [climate action] … we’ll keep setting our own targets for how our vehicles, our businesses, and our residents try to hit aggressive climate goals, knowing that we’re still all in this together, even if the President doesn’t want to make it a priority.”

Being mayor is the latest step in a professional journey that began with teaching English in the Mississippi Delta. From there, Johnston returned to Colorado to become a school principal, leading three different schools in the Denver Metro area. In 2009 he was elected to the Colorado State Senate, where he served two terms representing Northeast Denver. He was also a senior education advisor to President Obama and CEO of Gary Community Ventures, a philanthropic organization, where he led coalitions to pass the state’s first plan for universal preschool and spearheaded efforts to fund affordable housing and address homelessness statewide. He lives in East Denver with his wife Courtney, who is a chief deputy district attorney, and their three children.

Johnston, 50, was part of the Lincoln Institute mayor’s panel at the American Planning Association’s National Planning Conference in Denver this spring, along with Aaron Brockett and Jeni Arndt, mayors of the Colorado cities of Boulder and Fort Collins, respectively. Senior Fellow Anthony Flint caught up with him several weeks later for this interview, which will also be available in print and online in Land Lines magazine.

Listen to the show here or subscribe to Land Matters on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Stitcher, YouTube, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

Further reading

Denver Mayor Mike Johnston’s latest affordable housing strategy: tax rebates for developers | Denverite

Will Denverites Come Back to the Newly Renovated 16th Street? | 5280

Opinion: Denver Parking Minimums Increase Housing Costs | Westword

Mayor says downtown Denver has made a ‘dramatic change’ | Denverite

Denver City Hall Takes a Page from NASA to Tackle Housing Barriers | Bloomberg CityLab

Zoning Report: Colorado | National Zoning Atlas

Who Should Pay to Fix the Sidewalk? | Bloomberg CityLab

Anthony Flint is a senior fellow at the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, host of the Land Matters podcast, and a contributing editor of Land Lines.

Transcript

Anthony Flint: Welcome back to land matters, the podcast of the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy. I’m your host, Anthony Flint. On this show, we’re continuing our Mayor’s Desk series –- our Q&A’s with municipal chief executives from around the world — with Denver Mayor Mike Johnston, who was inaugurated as the 46th mayor of that city pretty much 2 years ago this summer in July 2023. It’s fair to say he’s been overseeing a significant boom in one of the most prominent cities in the Intermountain West, which has been attracting people and business with its temperate climate and outdoorsy quality of life. Yet Denver has had its growing pains, too, with increasingly high housing costs. We see modest bungalows in several neighborhoods in Denver, easily selling for a million dollars or more … a not-unrelated homelessness problem, and recently some significant municipal budget woes.

Mayor Johnson started his career as a high school English teacher in the Mississippi Delta, and returned home to Colorado to become a school principal, leading 3 different schools in the Denver Metro area. He later served as a senior education advisor to President Obama. In 2009 he was elected to the Colorado State Senate, where he served 2 terms representing Northeast Denver, working on issues, including immigration, gun safety and the clean energy transition. He later served as the CEO of Gary Community Ventures, a local philanthropic organization where he led coalitions to pass the State’s 1st plan for universal preschool and spearheaded efforts to fund affordable housing and address homelessness statewide. Mayor Johnston grew up in Colorado, speaks Spanish and lives in East Denver with his wife Courtney, who is a chief deputy district attorney and their 3 kids. Your honor, thank you for joining the conversation at Land Matters, and being part of the Mayor’s Desk series.

Mayor Mike Johnston: I’m delighted to be on. Thank you so much for having me.

Anthony Flint: Well, as I mentioned in the intro, like a lot of booming metropolitan regions, Denver is facing down a housing affordability problem. So, first question, what are the key elements for addressing this crisis?

Mayor Mike Johnston: You bet, Anthony, and again thank you for having me, and I think the opening frame for me which you mentioned … My dad used to say, the only thing worse than being hated is being loved, you know, and what we know for Denver is, we do have folks from all over the country and all over the world who want to move to Denver. And that is a great problem to have. I have friends who are mayors and cities facing very different challenges, which is declining populations and lots of vacant buildings, because people don’t want to move there. Denver is now, I think, the number 2 desired destination for people under age 30 in the United States. And so we have a lot of people that want to move to Denver. That’s driving a lot of economic growth. We’re thrilled about it. It also drives lots of housing demand.

So for us there are three big top priorities here. The overarching theme is, we have to add a lot more housing supply, as you know, but we think there are three ways to do that. One is to make it faster to build housing for us. That means an aggressive strategy on permitting reform to make our permitting system go from what was a two and a half to three-year process to now, what will be a commitment from us to have every permit only take 180 days of time in the city’s hands. We created a new citywide permitting office that unifies all of the functions of permitting that were spread across seven departments, now into one director, who reports directly to me so part of that is making it easier to build in Denver.

The second is reducing the costs of building wherever we can. And so we’re doing that, obviously making the process faster. Reduce the cost. But also we’re doing more to provide our own tax abatements and our own tax programs. We launched a middle class housing strategy this week. That’s focused on providing property tax abatements for up to 10 years in exchange for a 30 year, commitment on deed, restricted affordability for people that are middle class Denverites who need to be able to afford to live in the city. So we think those incentives matter. And then, of course, we are investing more in affordable housing. We know that the city can’t solve this alone, and the market can’t solve it alone. We need a partnership where we will invest city resources into projects where we can be hopefully a smaller and smaller part of the capital stack. But just enough of the stack to be able to buy long-term affordability in the form of deed restrictions. And so for us, it’s making the city build faster. It’s making costs cheaper. And it’s making more public investment with really clear public goals. We’ve set a clear public goal to bring on 3,000 affordable units every year, and provide access for 3,000 households to affordable units every year. That’s about twice the rate what the city was bringing on before we got into office. And so we know we have to be really aggressive about bringing on a lot more housing, a lot more quickly and a lot more affordably.

Anthony Flint: Your campaign to address homeless encampments in Denver triggered a little bit of backlash, including some criticism of the expense. Can you explain your approach, and how it might apply to other cities? And is there anything you would do differently?

Mayor Mike Johnston: Yeah, I think this is one that we are really excited about, because I think many Americans have given into the belief that homelessness is an unsolvable problem that we are just stuck with this as a component of modern life. And, as you said accurately, Anthony, what we know is homelessness exists in the greatest acuity in cities, not because there’s high rates of poverty, not because there’s high rates of unemployment, not because of the political ideology of those cities. It exists in direct correlation to the cost of housing. In those cities. When you have high cost of housing cities, you get more people who can’t afford to pay that cost. That is just a mathematical fact. And so that means many of the cities that are growing and are in high demand, like the Denver’s, or the San Francisco’s, or the Austins, or Seattle’s, are the places where we see this struggle. But what we have really seen is that this is a problem that can be solved by addressing those core needs. And so I’ll lead with the headline that … we set an ambitious goal to try to end street homelessness in my 1st term. Four years. That seems impossible. Well, I’ll tell you, we’re two years in right now, and we have now reduced our street homelessness in Denver by 45% in a little less than two years. That is … the largest reduction of street homelessness in any city in American history, over two years, of which we’re very proud. But it’s also a clear sign that halfway through the term. We’re halfway on the path of that goal. We think other cities should be ambitious. And believing that this is a solvable problem, let me talk about the way we’ve done this, which we think is also really scalable.

What we’ve done is first really focused on bringing on what we call transitional housing units which are dignified, individual private units. A lot of these are hotels we’ve bought and converted. They’re tiny home villages that we’ve built. But critically, it’s not shelter like sleeping on a gym floor with 100 people on a mat. It is a place where you have a locked door. You have privacy, you have access to showers and bathrooms and kitchens. You can store your stuff when you go to work for the day.

And we brought on wraparound services on each of these sites. So our first big effort was to bring on 1,000 units of transitional housing, you know, like many cities, previous Administration fought this battle, and took 2 or 3 years to fight, to put one tiny home village of about 40 units into one neighborhood with a number of lawsuits. We said, we have to bring on units at the scale of the problems. We brought on a thousand units, and (over) six months I did 60 town halls all across the city, talking to neighbors and all of those locations about why this would make such a big difference. We put wraparound services — mental health addiction, support, workforce training, long-term housing navigation — on each of those sites. So people don’t have to always return just to downtown to get those services. And once we brought those units on, then we went geographically to the places where encampments existed in Denver, and instead of sweeping those encampments from block to block, where they just show up in front of someone else’s house or someone else’s church or hospital, we would actually go to those encampments and resolve them. We would close that encampment entirely by moving all 50 people or 100 people. In one case we had almost 200 people in one encampment, closing those encampments, resolving them, moving all those folks into housing, and then importantly keeping that block or that region of the city permanently closed to future camping. So the result is, two years in, we’ve now closed every encampment in the city. We haven’t had a single tent inside of our downtown business district for more than a year and a half we have cut family homelessness by 83%. We’ve become the largest city ever to end street homelessness for veterans. We have no veterans anymore on the streets who can’t get access to housing, and, importantly, anyone can walk down any street or sidewalk or public park, and none of them have tents or encampments in them, so we’ve both made sure there’s a real change in the experience for residents of Denver and those people who are most at risk of starving to death, freezing to death, overdosing on the streets … we moved off of the streets into transitional housing that has really worked for us. We think it can work for other cities, and we’ll share these lessons with anyone who’s willing to take them on, because we think we should set the expectation in every American city that street homelessness can be a solvable problem.

Anthony Flint: Are you satisfied with the number of people using this very impressive and extensive light rail network in Denver Metro, and the number of people living essentially in transit oriented development? Or is the system facing growing pains, and if so, why? A related question … any lessons learned from the relatively light ridership on the free bus on the 16th Street Transit Mall, which is finally concluding its renovation after long delays? But first the light rail network, transit-oriented development … How is it going.

Mayor Mike Johnston: As you, said, Anthony, we’re not satisfied yet, and that is because, as you know, transit and housing have to be connected strategies. Housing is a transit strategy. If you’re mindful about actually building housing and building density of housing around our public transit networks. And so we had this great transit network built. We did not have density of housing around any of those spots. And so what we’re doing now is undertaking a series of very large catalytic investments in a number of areas around the city that are on these light rail lines. So we can build thousands and thousands of units of housing along that corridor. We just, for instance, acquired the largest piece of private property in city history to turn into a public park. It will be a 155-acre park. It is right next to a light rail stop, so we can now add housing and housing density all around that site — beautiful location, and people can get on light rail and get right to downtown or do a Broncos game or anything else. We just won a franchise expansion, the one franchise expansion for the National Women’s Soccer League, and so we’ll have a new women’s soccer franchise. We’re building a new women’s soccer stadium also at a TOD site that we’ll have on that campus … a lot of dense housing commercial activities also connected to public transit. We’re rebuilding our stock show in a historically Latino part of North Denver — Globeville, Elyria, Swansea — that’ll allow us to add about 60 acres of new housing, public spaces, commercial activation also all on public transit. So our belief is, you have to actually be deliberate about building real density around your public transit as much as you want to build your public transit around well traveled lines of travel in the city. And so that’s a big part of our strategy. When we add that density, we know most of the major cities like ours that aren’t yet a New York, or a DC, with a full functioning subway line. You can’t just throw in that infrastructure and hope the city accommodates because people have lots of places to go to. You have to build nodes of real density around the city. So even though you might have 3 or 4 different jobs over the next 10 years, those jobs can be concentrated among different regions, and your housing can, and your activities can (as well). So that’s our big strategy around that. And you’ll see us make historic investments in doing that in the next couple of years.

But a part of that is downtown, is our downtown strategy. And you mentioned our 16th Street bus that we have, that’s free downtown. We’re making the largest investment in our downtown, also of any city in the country, per capita. Right now, about $600 million through a tax increment financing system that will focus on one getting more people to live downtown. We want downtown to be a neighborhood, not just a business district. And so we’re going to add about 4,000 units of housing in our city center, using these funds that we have from our downtown Denver authority, because we know that means more people that will use that bus every day that we’ll get to and from work they will go to see friends. So that’s a big part of our strategy. We’re working on filling up about 7 million square feet of vacant office space — like many cities, have about 4 million of that, we will use with residential conversion. We think one of the most ambitious residential conversion plans in the country. The other 3 million we’ll use by bringing people back to the office, recruiting businesses to come downtown, stay downtown, we think the more we activate that location the more folks will use the public transit, and the more people can use the connected public transit of coming from a neighborhood in East Denver or North Denver, take the light rail down to downtown, use the 16th Street ride to get up and down 16th Street … we have the second largest theater complex in the country off of Broadway. We have 5 professional sports franchises in our city center. We have Michelin Star restaurants. We’ll have the Sundance film festival coming to Colorado. There’s so much to be attracted to seeing. We want to make it easy to get to downtown and around downtown, and this will do that.

Anthony Flint: Given the current municipal fiscal challenges in Denver, what is your thinking about alternative financing systems such as a land value tax or value capture, as seen in the 38th & Blake incentive overlay? I’m hoping you might explain the concept as you see it and how or whether its rationale makes sense to you.

Mayor Mike Johnston: We are interested in every incentive we can find to encourage folks to build more housing. The 38th and Blake overlay was really kind of a density bonus, where we allow folks to build higher buildings than what the zoning might allow in exchange for adding more affordable housing, and we are always looking at ways to incentivize folks to add more affordable housing. So we’re delighted to do that. I think that also links to the program I described briefly which is our our middle class housing program we launched yesterday, which is also focused on a property tax abatement. We’ll offer up to 10 years of property tax abatement for people that are going to build middle class affordable housing. So think about that as people making sixty to a hundred thousand a year as an individual … and that’s about a 10 year property tax abatement for a 30-year commitment of affordability. So that’s a great deal for us. We’re also looking at partnership on places where we have public land. We’re looking at working with city-owned land, working with Denver public schools where they have land, our regional transit system, if they have land. And so we’re always looking to contribute public land as a way to incentivize more affordability. But we want to do a all of the above strategy. But wherever we can add more housing without having to invest more dollars in these fiscal times that’s a big help

[Re-stated] Our belief is we want to do an all of the above strategy on every way we can incentivize people to build more affordable housing. So for us, that means we want to use city land. Whenever we can do that, we’ll use public land to be able to incentivize a deal. We’ll partner with other public agencies like the Denver public schools, or like the regional transit system or the State. That’s always a great way for us to incentivize. And that’s why we’ve used strategies like this middle class housing program we launched, which is a property tax abatement where folks can get 10 years of property tax abatement for a 30 year, commitment of deed, restricted affordability through a special limited partnership. So we’re going to use every strategy we have, particularly in tough economic times, and you don’t have big new dollars to invest in supporting affordable housing. We have to find other creative ways and density. Bonuses are a great way, and we’ll keep doing that as well as everything else we can.

Anthony Flint: Finally, how would you assess the progress of your climate action plans which I see includes incentives for electrification, electric vehicle infrastructure, hot and cold weather heat pumps, energy efficiency … Do you see a tangible embrace at the local level for addressing climate change, especially in the context of retrenchment at the federal level. I mean, just as a practical matter, the federal government is getting out of the climate business. So can cities and states take that over and be effective?

Mayor Mike Johnston: We don’t see any change at all in our city’s commitment to climate action or our conviction that this is a still existentially important effort for us to undertake. And so we are not slowing down at all. We’re not changing our path, and what we are doing is trying to make sure we’re committed to an aggressive vision to meet our climate goals, which for us is a 2040 plan to be entirely carbon free by 2040, to have 100% renewable energy. And also to make sure we’re driving economic growth. We want to do both. And so we don’t want to make it too expensive to do business in Denver, and yet we still want to be aggressively committed to hitting climate goals. And we’re doing that. We’ve done things like we had, I think, one of the nation-leading efforts on making our commercial buildings more energy efficient through a program we have called Energize Denver. We also had concerns from the business community about how to comply with the cost to make those adjustments to buildings. And so we spent a lot of time with our landowners and building owners and business leaders, and we revised that plan to both decrease the penalties, extend the amount of time folks can comply, put a cap on the overall amount of changes they have to make, which drops the cost dramatically for our business partners, but still keeps us on path to hit aggressive 2040 climate goals. So people do care. And there’s a lot we can do. There’s behavior change. We’re doing a whole campaign on behavior change, to encourage folks to take more trips by bike or walking … Can they consolidate or condense the number of single occupancy vehicle trips that they take. And so part of it is about awareness. Part of it’s about behavior change and part of it’s about a good policy on things like banning plastic bags. Obviously, and being able to incentivize more and more solar and wind. So we think this is purely a part of Denver’s brand. We want to be able to be a great city and a good city. We want to be able to have a great economy, and also have great connection to the natural environment of the outdoors. And so for us, it’s it’s good climate and good business, and we’ll continue to do both.

Anthony Flint: And local and state government taking this over, are you optimistic about that? The question is, can they really take this over, a planet-wide issue, and really be effective.

Mayor Mike Johnston: I think we don’t believe that we should give up here or step away. Our campaign, we call, do more or do less, but do something, whether it’s going to do more in the way of recycling, or less in the way of using a single occupancy vehicle or doing something in terms of being able to make decisions about where and how you use energy. We want to encourage people to take more local action now, in the face of federal abandonment of this. The things that we’ll need help on are the things that made a big difference. The federal tax credits on electrical vehicle purchases — those are big drivers of behavior change. I sponsored when I was in the Senate a state credit that does the same thing — provide incentives, tax incentives for electric vehicle purchases. Here we’re building out aggressively, charging station infrastructure to make it easier for us to convert our fleet vehicles to be electric to get more Ubers and Lyfts and Fedexes and Amazons and UPS (vehicles) to do the same. And to convince regular residents do the same. So we’ll keep building the infrastructure to do this. We’ll keep incentivizing people to do it. We’ll keep changing behavior to do it, and we’ll keep setting our own targets for how our vehicles, our businesses, and our residents try to hit aggressive climate goals, knowing that we’re still all in this together, even if the President doesn’t want to make it a priority.

Anthony Flint: Mike Johnston, Mayor of Denver, Colorado. Thank you once again for this conversation.

Mayor Mike Johnston: Thanks so much for having me, Anthony. It’s great to meet you.

Anthony Flint: You can learn more about all the issues we covered — strategies for affordable housing, sustainable urbanism, transit-oriented development, value capture, and of course, the challenge of climate change, pursuing both mitigation and resilience — all of that and more at the Lincoln Institute website, www.lincolninst.edu. While you’re there, scroll to the bottom and join our mailing list to get periodic updates on our work. And also on social media, the handle is @landpolicy. Finally, don’t forget to rate, share and subscribe to the Land Matters podcast. For now, I’m Anthony Flint, signing off until next time.

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